But I do know this: the American civil religion is a form of  idolatry, a false religion that worships a false god and  promises things – salvation, grace, community, purpose, love – it simply cannot  deliver. We have no business believing in any of it.
                Pastor, Prophet and Priest
             by                Charles H. Featherstone
              by Charles H. Featherstone
                              "[T]he                  English regard and practice their religion only insofar as it                  relates to their duty as subjects of the king. They live as he                  lives and believe as he believes; indeed, they do everything he                  commands. ... [The English] would accept Mohammedanism or Judaism                  if the king believed it, and told them to believe it."
                                         
              ~                Giovanni Micheli, Venetian ambassador to England during the reign                of Henry VIII,
              as quoted in Reformation                Europe: Age of Reform and Revolution, p. 174
                             "Our                  form of government has no sense unless it is founded in a deeply                  felt religious faith, and I don’t care what it is."
             
              ~                President Dwight D. Eisenhower as quoted in Civil Religion and                the Presidency, p. 200
             The veneration                and near-worship of the president, and the presidency, has been                with us for a long time, as long as the United States of America                has existed as a nation under the Philadelphia Constitution and                quite possibly as long as Americans have misled themselves into                thinking they are God’s chosen people. In fact, while Americans                fancy themselves a Christian people, and their nation a Christian                nation, the national faith of the United States of America – and                most Americans – is Americanism, and the god of most Americans                is their country, its "principles" and its symbols worshiped                in deeply held civic faith willed into being over the last two centuries                (more or less) from bits and pieces of English Calvinism, deism                and 19th century evangelicalism. 
             And a whole                lot of wishful thinking and very hot air.
             So is the conclusion                of academics Richard V. Pierard and Robert D. Linder, authors of                the nearly 20-year-old tome Civil                Religion and the Presidency. I came across the book while                I was doing research during the spring semester on the views of                Martin Luther and Philip Melachthon – the two architects of the                German Reformation – toward the state, and knew immediately this                website needed a review. Pierard and Linder evaluate the role of                nine presidents – George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, William McKinley,                Woodrow Wilson, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Dwight Eisenhower, Richard                Nixon, Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan – in using, leading and shaping                the American civic faith and the faith Americans have in the meaning                and purpose of their government and their country.
             Pierard and                Linder begin the book with an exploration of civil religion, noting                that human beings in most, if not all, societies throughout human                history create some kind of civic faith that stipulates a "‘sacred                cosmos’ which locates their lives in an ultimately meaningful order."                Civic faiths unify societies, help create a common shared frame                of reference for members of that society, allow for the settlement                of disputes and help create "common goals and values validated                through some cosmic frame of reference which their members recognize                as defining their collective existence."
             While religion                had filled this role in "ancient" societies, and the institutional                church in pre-Enlightenment Europe, since the Enlightenment, the                state-centered societies of the West have had to (consciously or                otherwise) create civic faiths to take the place or fill the role                that a state church would play. While both Rome and Greece possessed                strong civil faiths – an offense against the gods was also an offense                against the state and against society, and the reverse was also                true, which is why Christian martyrs like Polycarp were charged                with atheism for refusing to perform public religious rituals like                sacrificing to the emperor – true civil religion in the context                of Christendom only begins with the Crusades. Early Christians,                even after the effective merger of Church and state during the rein                of Emperor Constantine, distinguished between the polity where they                lived and their patria, their homeland in heaven. This distinction                comes directly from passages in Pauline epistles which state the                Christians are sojourners and resident aliens of wherever they live                while their "citizenship is in heaven" (Philippians 3:20,                "ημων γαρ το πολιτευμα                εν ουρανοις υπαρχει,”                literally “for our commonwealth/state exists in the heavens”). In                fact, in the anonymous early apologetic writing (sometime in the                early to middle second century A.D.) the Letter to Diognetus,                the author expands on this by writing:
                             [Christians]                  live in their own countries, but only as aliens. They have a share                  in everything as citizens, and endure everything as foreigners.                  Every foreign land is their fatherland, and yet for them, every                  fatherland is a foreign land. (Diog. 5:5 as printed in The                  Library of Christian Classics: Vol. 1, Early Christian Fathers,                  p. 217)
             
                          This notion                of Christians having their real home in heaven began to change,                Pierard and Linder write, in the early Middle Ages, when the king’s                realm and the patria began to merge. Taxes and war, of course                (for you cannot have one without the other), were the main instrument                of this: taxes to pay for the Crusades, which created a concept                of "holy land" that would eventually be transferred to                the European nations sending crusaders to the Levant, allowing Europeans                to eventually consider themselves covenant people chosen by God                to do God’s will on Earth. "Before long," Pierard and                Linder write, "the French saw war for France as war for the                ‘Holy Land of France.’ In this context, Joan of Arc cried, ‘Those                who wage war against the holy realm of France, wage war against                King Jesus.’"
             (The English                would take time to catch up with the French, and would not go around                claiming they were God’s chosen people until 1559, when English                Bishop John Aylmer would claim "God is English." John                Foxe would soon thereafter popularize the idea of England as God’s                chosen land and the English as his chosen people in his Book                of Martyrs, according to Pierard and Linder.)
             The same period                of time also saw the creation of an organic notion of nation and                society similar to the evolving medieval notion of the church. If                the church was a "body" with Christ as its head (and the                pope as his earthly vicar), than the combined patria-realm                would be one "body" with the prince or king as its earthly                head. "Reason and nature demand that all members of the body                serve the head as well as be controlled by it," they write.
             But modern                civil religion, the civic faith of nations and the bulk of people                inhabiting those nations, is really the product of the Enlightenment                and the French Revolution. For Pierard and Linder, John Locke and                Jean Jacques Rousseau were the great authors of a "minimum                civil creed that would instill civic spirit and discipline the citizenry"                that might not share a single religious confession. Rousseau envisioned                a simple and "exactly worded" civic faith with few dogmas:
                             The existence                  of a mighty, intelligent, and beneficent Divinity, possessed of                  foresight and providence; the life to come, the happiness of the                  just, the punishment of the wicked; the sanctity of the social                  contract and the laws: these are its positive dogmas.
             
             The problem                with Rousseau’s civil faith is that it essentially made the state                and the "popular will" as expressed in the state transcendent                in and of itself. "Reason enabled each individual member of                Rousseau’s civil society to read the revelation of Nature’s God                in creation," Pierard and Linder write. "For many practitioners                of civil religion before and since, the state encompassed everything                that mattered: there was no law or loyalty higher than the state.                ... The likelihood of idolatrous subservience to the state lurked                in Rousseau’s earthbound public religion because it had no fixed                transcendental referent by which it could be judged."
             American civil                religion begins almost the minute the English colonists set foot                on the continent. From the Mayflower Compact and John Winthrop’s                A Model of Christian Charity (from which the phrase "city                on a hill" as applied to the enterprise of being American comes                from), the earliest settlers in British North America had a sense                that they were being watched by both God and the entire world and                were engaged in a mission of "cosmic significance," that                they were God’s people Israel crossing the wilderness and settling                in the promised land after leaving Egypt (Europe).
             According to                Pierard and Linden, this sense of chosenness would be one of five                main characteristics of American civil faith, the others being:                civil millenarianism, the evangelical consensus, deism, and a self-authenticating                history.
             Civil millenarianism                would manifest itself in the faith of American political institutions                to save the world. Quoting church historian John Smylie, Pierard                and Linder write: "Gradually, in America, the nation emerged                as the primary agent of God’s meaningful activity in history. Hence,                Americans bestowed on it [the nation] a catholicity of destiny similar                to that which theology attributes to the universal church."                God will save the world through God’s chosen instrument, the United                States of America, and its political institutions.
             (If there is                a weakness in this book, Pierard and Linder spend too much telling                me things, rather than using quotes to show me.)
             By the evangelical                consensus, Pierard and Linder appear to mean the emotive and experiential                Christianity that emerged from the Second Great Awakening of the                early 19th century – a faith that emphasized the conversion                experience, action as opposed to doctrine, and was generally positive                in its anthropology (humans may be sinners but they could, of their                own accord, choose God) and its outlook. History was getting better,                and humans could make their world and the societies better through                Christian action and state action (often one in the same). Because                God’s chosen instrument for world betterment was the United States                of America, evangelical Christians could easily pledge loyalty to                both God and nation. (This evangelical consensus would become watered                down, somewhat, as the civic faith was later expanded to include                Roman Catholics and Jews.)
             The deist contribution                is important because if deists and evangelicals shared little, they                did share common social outlooks. "For example, two Founding                Fathers, Thomas Jefferson (convinced deist) and John Witherspoon                (staunch Calvinist) agreed that humans possessed a natural, innate                ability to grasp the truth about the world and morality without                the need for divine grace or revelation. Thus political thought                in Revolutionary America was based on the assumption that the light                of natural reason could reveal the eternal principles of God’s law                to any unprejudiced, right-thinking individual," Pierard and                Linder write. While both deist and evangelical might differ on the                sinfulness of human beings, both agreed and believed in individual                freedom "under God" and of "freedom and democracy                in the context of a New Israel with a sense of divine mission."
             Finally, there                is the matter of a self-authenticating history, a history which                proves (since we don’t actually have any scripture telling us that                God gave the Constitution to George Washington after he fasted on                Mt. Vernon for forty days and forty nights) American specialness                and chosenness. This is a history mostly of bloodshed, of victory                in war and the expansion of territory and "freedom." Meaning,                a history of "positive" state and government action and                of the state as the central organizing principle of American society.
             But what of                the president? What role does he play in this? Pierard and Linder                write:
                             Few students                  of politics would dispute that there is a religious component                  to the presidency, though determining whether the man influences                  the office in this way of vice versa is beyond the purposes of                  this book. The truth is that most Americans regard the office                  with a measure of religious awe [italics mine] and that                  certain presidents down through history have used the position                  with great success in playing the role of prophet and/or priest                  in America’s public religion.
               In any event,                  scholars generally agree that whether he is religiously active                  or passive, the foremost representative of civil religion in America                  is the president. He not only serves as head of state and chief                  executive, but he also functions as the symbolic representative                  of the whole of the American people. He affirms that God exists                  and that America’s destiny and the nation’s politics must be interpreted                  in the light of the Almighty’s will. The rituals that the president                  celebrates and the speeches he makes reflect the basic themes                  of American civil religion.
             
             Most of the                nine presidents Pierard and Linder have chosen to examine are considered                by most historians as "great" or "near great"                presidents (with the exceptions, I’m guessing, of Nixon and Carter)                who also held the office during times of war and/or great national                crisis. Most of the nine did not have strong denominational bonds:                George Washington was more of a deist than an Episcopalian and had                little time for kneeling in prayer or partaking of the Eucharist;                Lincoln may have been a deeply religious man but he was not much                of a churchgoer (and no one is certain where Lincoln’s personal                faith came from); Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s greatest "religious"                influence was lifelong friend and Groton headmaster (and one of                the major figures in early American Muscular Christianity) Endicott                Peabody, whose religion was "a mixture of messianic idealism                and simple pragmatism"; Dwight Eisenhower was only baptized                (in a Presbyterian service) after his first inaugural in 1953; Nixon                would adhere to neither the Quaker faith he was raised in or the                Pentecostalism he spent some time as a young man flirting with,                but would rather make America’s "innate goodness," the                country’s "spirit" and its national mission his object                of worship.
             (However, Nixon                would spend far too much time palling around with the closest thing                to a "state church" the United States has ever had – Billy                Graham, who wanders through this book like a false prophet.)
             Each of these                presidents contributed hugely to the country’s civil faith. Washington                defined much of the job, creating the language of the civil faith                by constantly invoking "providence" and "the deity"                to oversee the country’s affairs. Lincoln, with the Gettysburg Address,                added permanently to the canon of American "holy scripture"                and outlined "the American Democratic Faith," the belief                that American political institutions are central and necessary for                the salvation of humanity. (Lincoln, along with Martin Luther King,                would become one of the two martyred saints of the American civil                faith.) McKinley, in presiding over the war with Spain and the campaign                to subdue to Philippines, would attach imperial expansion to the                country’s civil faith, giving America and Americans a potentially                globe-spanning role as the savior of the world, emphasizing in particular                America as God’s chosen instrument for world and human salvation.                Woodrow Wilson further expanded that sense of global mission and                further moralized that American sense of mission. Franklin Delano                Roosevelt expanded the civil religion beyond the country’s Evangelical                Protestants to include both Roman Catholics and Jews. (The civil                faith had always invoked God the Father far more than God the Son                anyway.) Dwight Eisenhower intensified the civic faith during the                Cold War, portraying it as a struggle with "godlessness"                and harnessing religion in general to "democratic" political                institutions. Richard Nixon, consciously seeing himself as the central                figure of the civil faith, "hoped to lead in the revival of                moral values by making a dramatic public emphasis on worship [in                the White House], and in doing so he created an extraordinary syncretism                of church religion and civil religion."
             Pierard and                Linder identify three main ways the president manifests himself                in the civil faith – as pastor, as prophet, and as high-priest.                The pastoral job is most obvious at time of "national crisis"                (wars, natural disasters, space shuttles blowing up, school shootings),                when the president seeks to reassure the country that its election                is intact and that God still has great things in mind for America                and Americans. Neither Pierard nor Linder spend much time on this                function (save to say it was Eisenhower’s primary job), but FDR                was probably the first real pastor president, the first president                able to speak words of immediate "comfort" to Americans,                since being the pastor to all of America requires a mass media that                allows the president to "talk to" millions of people at                the same time. Only radio and television can accomplish that.
             The prophet                calls Americans and America to be better, to aspire to their better                natures and the values inherent in the covenant, to live up to their                founding ideals and to expand those ideals to those not originally                included. The prophetic has largely been the preserve of Democrats                – FDR comes to mind – but Lincoln’s presidency was very much a "prophetic"                one. In fact, both Pierard and Linder say that if a religiously                tinged presidency is unavoidable (a conclusion they appear to come                to), prophetic is best, since it actually aims the nation at transcendent                values that lie outside the nation itself. It holds the nation and                its leaders accountable to something other than themselves.
             (For another                example of the "prophetic" in action in American politics, one need                only look at Jim Wallis and folks at Sojourners, who like all Progressives                past, continue to mistake God’s command to God’s people – that would                be the church – to be just, merciful and charitable toward                the poor with a command to the nation, and all that entails                – taxes, force, coercion, state power and death.)
             This leaves                the high priest, a model both authors seem to believe Republicans                have adopted in the last few decades beginning with Richard Nixon.                (George W. Bush is clearly a high priest president.) This is a dangerous                model, they write, because "[t]he president as high priest                possesses what amounts to a sacred character, and thus his actions                may not be resisted in any meaningful fashion." The authors                quote at length 1968 Republican campaign strategist Ray Price on                the matter of who Republicans then believed the president was in                the eyes of the people:
                             People identify                  with a President in the way they do with no other public figure.                  Potential presidents are measured against an ideal that’s a combination                  of leading man, God, father, hero, pope, king, with maybe just                  a touch of avenging furies thrown in. They want him to be larger                  than life, a living legend, and yet quintessentially human; someone                  to be held up to their children as a role model; someone to                  be cherished by themselves as a revered member of the family,                  in somewhat the same way in which peasant families pray to the                  icon in the corner [emphasis mine]. Reverence goes where power                  is; it’s no coincidence that there’s such persistent confusion                  between love and fear in the whole history of man’s relationship                  to the gods. Awe enters into it. ...
               Selection                  of a President has to be an act of faith. ... This faith isn’t                  achieved by reason; it’s achieved by charisma, by a feeling of                  trust that can’t be argued or reasoned, but that comes across                  in those silences that surround the words. The words are important                  – but less for what they actually say than for the sense they                  convey, for the impression they give of the man himself, his hopes,                  his standards, his competence, his intelligence, his essential                  humanness, and the directions of history he represents.
             
             Whether Americans,                or even Republicans, see the president this way (I think many do,                actually, and many Republicans seem to have developed an idea of                the presidency as a kind-of Davidic kingship), it’s pretty stunning                that a major political party in an allegedly democratic nation state                can speak of leadership in such, well, undemocratic terms. (To be                fair, the above paragraphs can just as easily describe the devotion                to and the cults surrounding FDR and John F. Kennedy, and what I’ve                seen of the cult of Barak Obama.)
             The problems                with a high-priest presidency are two-fold. First, opposition to                the president and the nation he (or, I suppose, she) isn’t just                treason – it’s heresy. Religions, even ones cobbled together                from junk, can be brutally intolerant of heresy. Second, the high                priest isn’t really accountable to the people, he’s accountable                only to God. (And, to be fair, the prophet isn’t accountable to                anyone but God either.) He stands in front of the people but faces                the altar, rather than at the altar facing the people. We are his                to dispose of, and our wills, our desires – our persons and our                very humanity – do not matter.
             Better, however,                would be no civil religion at all, no faith in the nation, its institutions                or its purpose. I do not need nor want the president to stand in                my stead before God, to mediate my encounter with the divine. I                already have Jesus, so what need have I of George W. Bush or Hillary                Clinton? My purpose comes from elsewhere, and so should yours. But                that is about as likely as the government disappearing tomorrow.                So I encourage non-belief in the civil faith and non-observance                of its rituals. A committed Christian, a faithful Jew, a devout                Muslim, has no business believing that the United States of America,                its values, its spirit, its ideals and its institutions, can save                the world. That is to worship a created thing, a transitory thing,                an artifact of history, one that does not and cannot transcend anything.                
             I’m not sure                any of this can be reformed or changed, because it may not be possible                to have "America" without this nonsensical civil religion,                without the sense that Americans are God’s chosen people, that America                and American institutions can save the world. I could accept an                Americanness that did away with the sense of mission and the evangelical                faith in "democracy," an Americanness that assumes we                are and allows us to be just another people living in just another                country. But this sense of ourselves as God’s chosen people, as                cosmically special, may be too central to our overall sense of ourselves,                and our faith in our political institutions – including the wretched                presidency – may be too strong and too essential to rid ourselves                of. It may not be possible to have Americanness without it. I don’t                know.
             But I do know                this: the American civil religion is a form of idolatry, a false                religion that worships a false god and promises things – salvation,                grace, community, purpose, love – it simply cannot deliver. We have                no business believing in any of it.
                          May                22, 2007
             Charles                H. Featherstone [send                him mail] is a seminarian and freelance editor                living in Chicago. Visit his                blog.             
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